Retaking New Jersey

After the first Battle of Trenton, Samuel Cabell and his Amherst Rifles were soon part of two more notable victories, in what came to be known as the Crucial Ten Days.  

In January 1777 British General Charles Cornwallis had planned to depart New York and return to London on leave. With the Hessian loss at Trenton, he had to change plans. Soon, he was marching south with 8,000 troops to confront the rebels. By January 2, he and 5,500 redcoats marching in three columns with 28 cannons were approaching the outskirts of Trenton.  His advance was significantly slowed by defensive skirmishing by American riflemen from Pennsylvania under the command of Edward Hand. His advance guard did not reach Trenton until twilight.  Pushed back in house-to-house fighting, the Continentals, including Samuel Cabell’s 6th Virginia Regiment, took up position just south of the village, behind the strong natural defense of Assunpink Creek.  For reasons unknown, the 6th was under the command of Major John Parker, not Colonel Mordecai Bruckner.

When the British attack came in early evening, it funneled itself toward the one bridge that crossed the deep, frigid creek.  Concentrated American fire at the bridge soon stalled the British. American riflemen, including the Amherst company of the 6th, probably contributed to the continuous fire from artillery and muskets. The British charged one final time, but the Americans fired canister shot this time, and the British lines were raked with fire. One soldier said, “The bridge looked red as blood, with their killed and wounded and their red coats.” The British attack subsided by evening. General Cornwallis wanted to continue the fight, but was called off by his officers. He acknowledged their advantage, telling his staff,” We’ve got the old fox safe now. We’ll go over and bag him in the morning.”

Washington’s army was in fact in a perilous position, vulnerable to being trapped against the Delaware.  The commander in chief made another bold decision. He would move his army again in the night to go on the attack. With great care to avoid noise, his units slowly withdrew from south of Assunpink Creek and used a little-known back country road to go north, arcing around Cornwallis. Washington’s objective was the British garrison under Major Charles Mawhood guarding the college town of Princeton, 18 miles away. He had paid a spy and just received an accurate map illustrating the strength and location of the British forces there. He hoped victory there might allow him to continue north to take the main British supply depot at New Brunswick, which would provide much needed supplies in abundance.  

When Cornwallis awoke the next morning, he was told of the noise of battle to the north. His men discovered the rebels had left the area. The fox had escaped again, but this time was on the attack.

The 6th Virginia was not part of the order of battle at the Princeton, according to multiple sources. Captain Samuel Cabell and his rifle company were likely held in reserve to the south as protection in case Cornwallis’ main force came up faster than expected. No doubt, they were close enough to hear the sounds of the battle. Again, Major Parker, not Colonel Buckner, was in command.

Two Virginians were the heroes of the Battle of Princeton, George Washington and Brigadier General Hugh Mercer. Born in Scotland, Mercer had been a 20-year-old surgeon’s assistant on the losing Jacobite side with Bonnie Price Charlie at the Battle of Culloden in 1746.  He found himself as a fugitive in his own country and fled to America, where he settled in Virginia.  He served with George Washington in the French and Indian War, and they became lifelong friends. He later purchased his home in Fredericksburg from Washington. On July 2, 1776 in Williamsburg, William Cabell noted in his commonplace book that he received 11 pounds for Captain Samuel Cabell from “Col. Weedon on account of Brigr-General Mercer.”  At Princeton, Mercer was in command of soldiers from Delaware and the 1st and 3rd Virginia Regiments.

In Princeton, British Lieutenant Colonel Charles Mawhood was given orders to march south at dawn of January 3 to reinforce Cornwallis. An experienced and skilled officer, he liked to give an air of nonchalance. As he rode his horse, he was followed by his two springer spaniels.  That morning, Mercer led the Continental vanguard northward as Mawhood moved south on a parallel road. Sentries from each side saw their opponents in the distance. Mawhood reversed course and turned to gave battle, while Mercer turned and advanced. The seasoned British regulars broke the Continentals with a bayonet charge. Mercer had his horse shot from under him and was surrounded, but drew his saber to keep fighting. One of the redcoats said “surrender you damn rebel!”  Mercer refused and was bayoneted seven times. Given his age and the quality of his uniform, the redcoats thought they had killed Washington. Thought to be dead, he lived nine more days, before expiring.

Seeing some militia fleeing the battle, the real George Washington rode forward to rally his soldiers, successfully, putting himself at one point only 30 yards from the redcoats to the great distress of his staff. Washington’s men, militia and continental regulars, would defeat Mawhood’s regiment. They then went into town to deal with 200 redcoats barricaded in Nassau Hall on the Princeton campus, who eventually surrendered. Its stone walls still have two cannon ball pock marks.

The American victory at Princeton was significant. It showed that Trenton was not a fluke, that Washington could win. It also won a measure of immortality for the fallen general. Mercer County New Jersey, where Princeton is located, was named in honor of him, as a martyr to the cause of American independence, as are counties, cities and streets across the country.

Washington at Princeton, 1779, Charles Wilson Peale

For Samuel Cabell and his rifle company, more marching was in store. Cornwallis was in hot pursuit. Washington could taste an even larger triumph if he could press on to the main British supply depot at New Brunswick, but knew that his men had already been pushed to the limit, later writing: 

 “the harassed state of our own troops (many of them having had no rest for two nights and a day) and the dangers of losing the advantage we had gained by aiming at too much, induced me by the advice of my officers to relinquish the attempt. But in my judgment, six or eight hundred fresh troops upon a forced march would have destroyed all their stores and magazines, taken (as we have since learned) their military chest containing 70,000 pounds, and put an end to the war.”

Instead, his Excellency directed his army to Morristown, a 37-mile march. The 6th Virginia would make winter quarters safely behind the defended passes of the Watchung Mountains.  After arrival and some rest, they were likely ordered like all other units to building small identical log cabins, each to sleep twelve, laid out in rows. 

Washington was not content, however, to sit out the winter. He devised a strategy to deny the British safety and sustenance in New Jersey.  In what would come to be called the Forage Wars, the patriots led multiple raids from January through May, 1777.  Many were led by local New Jersey militia, but the 6th Virginia also participated. On January 10,1777, three Virginia Regiments including the 6th captured 70 Highlanders and their wagons at Chatham. Samuel and his Amherst rifles likely were deployed regularly, given riflemen’s experience in non-traditional warfare and their weapon’s effectiveness at distance. The growing confidence of the Americans during this period was described by a British Colonel Allan MacLean:

“The Rebels have the whole winter gone upon a very prudent plan of constantly harassing our quarters with skirmishers and small parties, and always attacking our foraging parties. By this means they gradually accustom their men to look us in the face, and stand fire which they never attempted to dare in the field.”  

On rebel who did not stand firm in the face of fire, unfortunately, was the commander of the 6th Virginia, Colonel Mordecai Buckner. Samuel Cabell’s regiment engaged British troops on January 23 under Lt. Col. Parker, but were unable to press a significant advantage because Buckner, failed to bring up support, having in fact fled the battle. Buckner was accused of misbehavior in combat and subsequently arrested for trial. While on parole, he attempted to flee and was reapprehended by a troop of light horse sent by General Washington. Buckner appealed directly to Washington to be dismissed from the service without trial. The commander in chief sent him a curt reply, explaining why his case must go to a court martial.  The trial was held in Chatham on February 8, 1777. The general who presided, after hearing the evidence, accused the 6th Virginia’s commanding officer of “Shamefully Misbehaving before the Enemy, in the Action of the 23rd. of Jan’y last,” And of “Quitting his post and party in time of engagement.” Mordecai Buckner was found guilty and cashiered from the service.  John Chilton, a captain who sat on the court martial, opined that “there was but a single circumstance that saved him being shot.”

Samuel Cabell’s new regimental commander would be Lieutenant Colonel James Hendricks.  His long letter directly to George Washington (in the National Archives) of April 17, 1777 sheds light on what the experience was like for Samuel Cabell and the 6th Virginia.  It was not a pretty picture. The regiment’s companies were quartered in five towns within a 20-mile distance of Newark. Hendricks himself, returning from an illness, had been ordered to the lines near Bonam Town, another location altogether. Washington earlier sent Hendricks a letter (that did not survive) apparently calling out the poor condition of his regiment. Hendricks writes in reply to Washington: 

“In this moment received yours respecting the Situation of 6th Virga regiment, which imply’s a Censure I think I by no means deserve….. Early in February I had the promised indulgence from your Excellency of retiring for Some time Amongst my friends for the recovery of my health, but on hearing of the removal of Colo. Buckner from the regiment, I thought it my duty (tho not perfectly recover’d from my illness) to attend to the cares of the regiment which I found on my arrival at Chatham in a distrest Situation enough, both for want of money and Cloathing…… Your Excellency observes that the Sixth regt are barer and unfitter to take the field than others, I can assure you (and wou’d wish to have the matter Enquired into) that I can produce more men and in as good order than the 1st 3d 4th or 5th Virga regiments, notwithstanding the difficulties I have labour’d under, by reason of my illness, removal of the Colo., want of officers &c.”

Hendricks goes on to say he would like to be relieved so he can go help his men, and notes he does not intend to stay in the army much longer. The next day, Washington dictated a letter to his aide-de-camp, Richard Kidder Meade in response to Hendricks. In sum, he agrees to reassign him so he can help his men, says he should not talk about resigning since it hurts morale, and points out that he did not single out the 6th Virginia – several other Virginia Regiments got warning letters to shape up also.  Meade’s letter:

“I am desir’d by the Genl to inform you that it is his inclination you sh’d give that attention to your regt you want to do, for which purpose you’ll apply to Genl Stephen, to direct some other Officer, to take the command you have at present, when it will be in Your Power to equip the regt as you wou’d wish.

“The Genl is sorry to find by a part of your letter that you have tho’ts of retiring from the service, & hopes that you will by no means persist in that intention especially, now, at a time when ev’ry Officer ought to exert himself in ev’ry instance to promote the good of our Army, & you must be sensible that even a tho’t of the kind—tho’ your reasons for resignation may be good—does harm.

“As to the charge from the Genl of the bad condition of your regiment, which seems to hurt you—I can assure you that you was not singularly pointed at, for it was an exact copy of circular letters sent to the different commanders of the Virginia regts as the General appearance of those must be acknowledged was unmilitary tho’ much may be said in excuse”

One can only imagine Samuel Cabell’s state of mind as spring arrived in 1777. In the last few months, he had experienced combat and victories, but also failed regimental leadership and privation. Soon, however, he and his riflemen would be under the command of one of the best fighting commanders in the army, as part of a new, elite unit. Together, they would play a key role in the most pivotal victory of the Revolution.

Chapter 7 – Battle of Saratoga

Works Consulted
  1. Crossroads of the American Revolution Assoc. Inc. “Forage Wars.” Accessed February 17, 2026. https://revolutionarynj.org/stories/forage-wars/
  2. Fischer, David Hackett. Washington’s Crossing. New York: Oxford University Press, 2004.
  3. George Washington’s Mount Vernon. “10 Facts about the Battle of Princeton.” Accessed February 17, 2026. https://www.mountvernon.org/george-washington/the-revolutionary-war/washingtons-revolutionary-war-battles/the-trenton-princeton-campaign/10-facts-about-the-battle-of-princeton
  4. Ketchum, Richard. The Winter Soldiers: The Battles for Trenton and Princeton. 1999. 290.
  5. “Lieutenant Colonel James Hendricks to George Washington, 12 April 1777.” Founders Online, National Archives. Accessed February 17, 2026. https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-09-02-0130
  6. Russell, T. Triplett, and John K. Gott. Fauquier County in the Revolution. 1977.